Well i could get all entymological with you and advise that Gringo is really a derivative of the word for Greek. In spanish. Where all foreigners were compared the most frequent foreigner in Spain when the word grew were greeks.
The greek slaves of the roman masters back then. So there is a natural inclination in Spanish to link a similar sounding word to foreigner. The americans invaded Mexico from different places including the marines through vera cruz. Not that they loved them more but hated them less than the elites in Mexico.
They would stand by the way side and greet and welcome the troops who would march by singing the most fashionable song of that time…. Green grow the lilacs reminding me of The ones that I brought you with all of my love, The gates of my country will open for you And change the green lilacs to the Red, White and Blue. By the time of the final vote tally, enough countries had changed their vote — Haiti from no to abstain; Nicaragua from abstain to yes — to pass Resolution Knowing about the work of Zemurray, certain yes votes that might otherwise seem mysterious — Costa Rica, Guatemala, Ecuador, Panama — suddenly make perfect sense.
Behind them, behind the creation of the Jewish state, was the Gringo pushing his cart piled high with stinking ripes. As soon as they were independent, Israel faced regional hostility and the eruption of war from all sides: Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon. First world countries declared an arms embargo on the region and, being a brand new nation, Israel had no weapons to defend itself. You name it, they did not have enough: bullets, rifles, pistols, grenades, trucks, tanks … Israel survived on the smuggled weapon, the clandestine arrival, the box hidden behind the false panel on the container ship — it says vegetables, but it smells like gunpowder.
In the first days of the war, the majority of these boxes came from only three places, sent by three types of interested parties: Czechoslovakia, where Communists shipped trucks, guns, and planes with the consent of the Soviets, who believed a prolonged Middle Eastern conflict would embarrass the British; New York and New Jersey, where, at the urging of Meyer Lansky and Longy Zwillman , dock bosses like Socks Lanza looked the other way as ships bound for Hiafa or Tel Aviv were filled with weapons; and Central America, where banana men filled ship after ship with boxes marked FOOD or SUPPLIES, carried weapons to the Israeli Defense Force.
According to Ignacio Klich, Somoza smuggled weapons to Israel throughout the war. When asked about this, Prime Minister Menachem Begin spoke of an old debt that needed to be honored. Asked to name a hero, most South American liberals of that era would mention FDR, specifically citing his four freedoms: freedom of expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear. In short, the Central Americans heard our words and actually believed them ….
The call of increased rights and freedoms was a challenge to United Fruit, which depended on compliant governments and cheap labor. A major demonstration — demanding their dictator step down, a social security system, decent wages, etc. At the time:.
He had three audiences in mind: Guatemalans, the government of the United States, and the president of United Fruit. He spoke of his past — a childhood of poverty. He spoke of the future — a vision of big landowners forced to reform and share. Though he passed land form legislation, he left it unenforced. He focused instead on crowd-pleasing issues that Zemurray could hardly oppose. A forty-hour workweek, social security guarantees, rights of the unions to organize — all based on the New Deal legislation that Zemurray himself had championed in the United States. Arbenz was a different sort of president than his predecessor.
He was cautious, deliberate. Arbenz advanced soldier-style, by quick, decisive strokes. He was a man aware of time, who wanted to push through his program before the weather changed. He did not fear Zemurray. In fact, it seemed he wanted to infuriate the bosses of United Fruit, make a display of his independence and defiance. He wanted to remind the banana moguls who the elected leader of the country really was. United Fruit officials complained to the Guatemalan government and to the U.
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State Department. Even if the seizure were legal, the price seemed grossly unfair. State Department, a detail Arbenz should have noticed.
Arbenz rejected the complaint and carried on as if no one could stop him … By defying El Pulpo, Arbenz became a liberal hero across Latin America … It marked the dawn of a new revolutionary era in the South. Spanish-speaking reformers of every variety — Communists, Socialists, Trotskyites — as well as adventure seekers and people simply curious to taste freedom, set off for Guatemala.
By becoming a symbol and a refuge for the disenchanted, the country drew still more attention from the State Department. In the minds of diplomats, Guatemala was turning into a rogues gallery … All the rabble-rousers who would long bedevil the United States seemed to be in Guatemala City, or on their way [including a young Che Guevara]. He hired an infamous PR specialist to manipulate public opinion.
They portrayed Arbenz as a Communist to key opinion leaders in America. Never mind that Arbenz claimed no allegiance to the Communist Party; never mind that Arbenz cited Franklin Roosevelt as among his heroes; never mind that many of the Arbenz policies that United Fruit found so offensive were patterned on the New Deal — the signs were evident for those who knew where to look. The situation on the isthmus, unheard of a few months before, moved onto the national agenda, where it was described not as a threat to a corporate interest, nor as a threat to the region, but as a threat to the American way of life.
In , Sam deployed many tactics that would become standard procedure for clandestine operations: the hired guerrilla band, the phony popular leader, the subterfuge that convinces the elected politician he is surrounded when there are really no more than a few hundred guys out there.
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Operation Success would replace the Arbenz government, defeating communism on the isthmus …. If he needed more guns, these would come from the United Fruit Company. Castillo Armas would train his army on island bases in Lake Managua, Nicaragua. A handful of American pilots were meanwhile stationed in Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua, the same strip later used during the Bay of Pigs invasion. CIA operatives were scattered among a dozen locations, in camps and safe houses, where they prepared the psychological tricks crucial to Operation Success. Panicked newsmen, terrified crowds, exploding bombs — the same sort of tricks Orson Welles used during his War of the Worlds radio drama.
This was followed by strafing runs, bombs. If you saw three planes in the sky, you were seeing the entire rebel air force. Then came the psychological tricks meant to confuse the people and terrify Arbenz and his loyalists. Hidden speakers boomed out the sound of guns and shells. Fake newscasts filled the entire bandwidth, some calling for the overthrow of the dictator, some claiming the dictator had already been overthrown. Others heralded the arrival of Castillo Armas and his men in the capital, where they were being greeted by jubilant crowds. Castillo Armas, having mustered his army on a U.
His soldiers and weapons were carried on U. He met little resistance.
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It was less a war than a walk in the country, afternoons of daisy picking, a parade in the mountains. Guatemala would be the last of the easy overthrows. Because peasants did not want war, because the government believed it could not win, because Arbenz was willing to go farther than anyone had gone but was still not willing to go all the way. On June 27, , [Arbenz] addressed his people for the last time. By that time, Castillo Armas was on the outskirts of Guatemala City. Castillo Armas fulfilled his part of the bargain soon after he secured power. His soldiers tracked down and arrested or killed the military officers and politicians who championed the Guatemalan Revolution.
He rounded up or chased away the ideological vagabonds who streamed into the country in the days of delirium that followed Decree He had soon established a police state, imposing the sort of lockdown that would make the rise of another Arbenz impossible. He abolished political parties and trade unions, closed newspapers and banned books he considered dangerous, including the collected works of Fyodor Dostoyevsky and Victor Hugo.